By ann summers
Truth, even pre-truth, may be more instructive, without privileging the narcissistic self-demolition that drives the hateful yam, because it does lay bare the naked avarice of modern capitalism.
The building of wealth both a class inheritance and from the unredistributed surplus profits also produces a an inequality of value in a fragmented and shock-doctrined economy. The latter exploitation is a problematic one for those attempting to loot social welfare regardless of the nature of taxation necessary to maintain a robust regional/national/international economy.
Giant Gasbag and PoundPence, lead the most open of the id and superego of modern repressive race and religion theories in their rhetorical and policy pronouncements, respectively as real estate huckster and talk-show Governor. Their financial backers and their spoils reveal four years of kleptocracy’s barely constrained opportunism.
And as they didn’t need megaphones, the public sphere is fractured by empowered lone-wolf criminals, whether disrupting airline service, attacking students with knives, or firing tear gas grenades directing at protesters, and all have ethno-national intent of negative dominance.
Bag & Pound are the sin-eaters for their minions, first as Cabinet officers, next as Legislators now drug-test themselves by trickling down their allegiances onto ideological litmus paper; Jeff Flake standing behind his write-in vote for McMullin will be a cautionary tale for the state of AZ ACA funds among other Medicare issues in 2017.
The Trumpian strategy of tension has raised the stakes for non-linear policing whether foreign or domestic and the regime of post-truth political communication plays more toward the information war policy of Russia than any fully articulated version of a method of reconciling the oncoming social unrest and military adventurism of Bag & Pence extremism in the service of rick-rolling the public sphere.
Americans aren’t living under a fascist government, but they have elected a president with an unusual relationship to the truth. Even when they lie, most politicians care about the truth. It’s why they lie, why they try not to get caught.
But Donald Trump doesn’t appear to see a difference between truth and lies. He lies as a matter of habit about matters large and small. His lies are often obvious: easily disproved by available information. For a strong example, look to Twitter. “In addition to winning the Electoral College in a landslide, I won the popular vote if you deduct the millions of people who voted illegally,” tweeted the president-elect on Monday. This charge is groundless. False. Frankfurt-ian bullshit. There is no evidence of “illegal voting,” no evidence of the mass fraud necessary to give Hillary Clinton a significant lead in the national popular vote…
It is important to combat Trump’s lies with the truth: to dispute, debunk, and show the public the facts of the matter. At the same time, we should also stay attuned to the aims of Trump’s dishonesty, whether he’s obscuring a larger scandal—the president-elect’s “illegal voting” tweet came as the New York Times published a massive story on his influence-peddling and his disturbing quantity of conflicts of interest around the globe—or signaling priorities for his followers and surrogates. To that point, Trump’s tweet Tuesday morning isn’t a lie, but it fits the dynamic at hand. “Nobody should be allowed to burn the American flag—if they do, there must be consequences—perhaps loss of citizenship or year in jail!” wrote the president-elect on Twitter.
To revoke citizenship for burning the flag—that is, for dissent—is to violate the Constitution and stomp on the principles of this country. Pundits and observers will parse this message for meaning. Does it reflect Trump’s impulsive mind? Is it some tactical distraction? Does it reveal priorities?
Whatever the answer, whatever the fruits of this Trump-inflected Kremlinology, just remember Arendt’s warning: These lies and fantasies can become reality, if we are not vigilant.
Audience-oriented subjectivity has been seized in some sectors by ethno-nationalist literature as well as some textual terrorists.
The notion of the “public sphere” began evolving during the Renaissance in Western Europe. Brought on partially by merchants’ need for accurate information about distant markets as well as by the growth of democracy and individual liberty and popular sovereignty, the public sphere was a place between private individuals and government authorities in which people could meet and have critical debates about public matters. Such discussions served as a counterweight to political authority and happened physically in face-to-face meetings in coffee houses and cafes and public squares as well as in the media in letters, books, drama, and art. Habermas saw a vibrant public sphere as a positive force keeping authorities within bounds lest their rulings be ridiculed. According to David Randall, “In Habermasian theory, the bourgeois public sphere was preceded by a literary public sphere whose favored genres revealed the interiority of the self and emphasized an audience-oriented subjectivity.”
heh, Office of Government Ethics trolls the Orange Gasbag More interesting is that OGE, an oxymoronic agency indeed, has decided to just mess with the Giant Yam, using his tweeting style.
WASHINGTON ― The Office of Government Ethics released a stream of odd tweets on Wednesday that praise President-elect Donald Trump’s plan to hand control of his real estate empire to his three eldest children.
It was a very strange use of Twitter by a government agency.
“We can’t repeat enough how good this total divestiture will be,” read the first tweet from the main ethics agency overseeing the executive branch.